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Taxing the Rich: A History of Fiscal Fairness in the United States and Europe, by Kenneth Scheve, David Stasavage
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In today's social climate of acknowledged and growing inequality, why are there not greater efforts to tax the rich? In this wide-ranging and provocative book, Kenneth Scheve and David Stasavage ask when and why countries tax their wealthiest citizens--and their answers may surprise you.
Taxing the Rich draws on unparalleled evidence from twenty countries over the last two centuries to provide the broadest and most in-depth history of progressive taxation available. Scheve and Stasavage explore the intellectual and political debates surrounding the taxation of the wealthy while also providing the most detailed examination to date of when taxes have been levied against the rich and when they haven't. Fairness in debates about taxing the rich has depended on different views of what it means to treat people as equals and whether taxing the rich advances or undermines this norm. Scheve and Stasavage argue that governments don't tax the rich just because inequality is high or rising--they do it when people believe that such taxes compensate for the state unfairly privileging the wealthy. Progressive taxation saw its heyday in the twentieth century, when compensatory arguments for taxing the rich focused on unequal sacrifice in mass warfare. Today, as technology gives rise to wars of more limited mobilization, such arguments are no longer persuasive.
Taxing the Rich shows how the future of tax reform will depend on whether political and economic conditions allow for new compensatory arguments to be made.
- Sales Rank: #198590 in Books
- Published on: 2016-03-29
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 1.00" h x 6.50" w x 9.30" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 288 pages
Most helpful customer reviews
1 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Taxes on the rich are not likely to increase?
By Jorge
The book, “Taxing the Rich”, 2016, by K. Scheve and D. Stasavage, presents a brief history of ‘tax fairness’ in the United States and Europe, complete with extended discussions of a few arguments pro and against higher taxes on the rich. One of the central points of the book is that the period of high taxes on the rich, during and following WWII, is unlikely to repeat itself, because the high taxes on the rich were then justified by ‘conscription of wealth’ arguments; parallels of which are absent today.
In one of the final sections of the book, “The Top Taxes People Want Today”, the authors describe a survey they carried out—in collaboration with other colleagues—to find out what ‘the people’—a sampling of 2,250 American individuals—thought would be a fair rate of taxation at several levels of income. The preferred tax rate for the highest level of income was about 30 percent!
Throughout the book, the authors assume that public opinion is what drives tax policy decisions, specifically about rising taxes on the rich. To the extent that such assumption has any validity—which I sincerely doubt that is does—the authors demonstrate a singular lack of curiosity about how such opinion may be formed. Have they perhaps forgotten Winston Churchill’s declaration that “There is no such thing as ‘public opinion’; there is only ‘published opinion’?
And the authors’ bias? A glimpse of it can be seen in the following excerpt:
We are not saying that these equal treatment arguments are ones that necessarily should be made, or that it is the whole story. For the income tax many deductions and exemptions exist for good reasons, and there are efficiency arguments for taxing capital gains less heavily than regular income. (Ibid, p. 216).
To their credit, the authors point out the regressive nature of some common taxes such as social security and sales taxes. But otherwise, they show an almost complete lack of understanding of the economics of taxation. For example, the important point that if the rich do not pay higher taxes, the rest of the people must pay for them, is not mentioned anywhere. The fact that they are political scientists, rather than economists, may explain, though hardly justify such omission.
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Objective and instructive
By Gu Si Fang
Why did we tax the rich? To answer this question, the authors have studied 20 countries across 200 years. With this historical approach, they avoid the philosophical debate and ask which factors, historically, have triggered the implementation of progressive taxation on income and inheritance? What role did technology and the economy play during the industrial revolution, or political factors such as democracy and universal suffrage?
Their main conclusion is rather unexpected: it is mass mobilization during wartime which pushed up taxes on the rich. This was true when the fiscal privileges of the aristocracy were abolished during the French Revolution and mass conscription started: for the landowners, the estate tax replaced the blood tax, which fell on the entire population. Most of all, it is true in the 20th century with the draft during the two world wars. In passing, I find this idea similar to the argument advanced by many scholars of Antiquity who claim that the Athenian democracy was born when the phalanx appeared on the battlefield, as a necessary compensation for the mobilization of citizens.
Within the perimeter and during the period of their inquiry, the authors observe that taxes on the rich have jumped in 14-18 and in 39-45, and have been declining since then. This contradicts the notion, widely held, that the lowering of marginal tax rates resulted from the spread of free market ideas in the 80’s: the phenomenon seems to have started earlier.
In fact, the authors also reject or relativize several common explanations. For them, democracy and universal suffrage do not automatically cause a rise in marginal rate, no more than rising inequality systematically call for fiscal redistribution. They believe that the most powerful motivation across time and space is 1) equality of treatment – not in a mathematical sense, which means that the interpretation varies. When this does not carry the day, the most frequent arguments are 2) compensation for undue privileges given by the State and 3) the ability to pay, as in the utilitarian approach favored by many economists.
They then try to draw a few lessons for the future. Since war in the 21st century is no longer made with millions of men carried by train to the front line, mass mobilization has disappeared; it no longer justifies to “tax capital” as a compensation for the blood tax borne by the general population. However, the idea of 2) compensating undue privileges can be a strong political argument, provided that different cases are not mixed up. For example, it would not seem just to tax the entrepreneurs in the Silicon Valley very heavily simply because Wall Street traders have been bailed out with public money and the printing press. Finally, the argument of 3) the ability to pay seems to them rather weak, although there are differences across countries, since in some places fortune is attributed to merit and hard work while in others it is attributed to chance.
There are two aspects where I think the authors are mistaken. First, they tend to confuse privilege and tax evasion, although there exist many kinds of privileges other that fiscal (today we would talk of “rents” and “rent-seeking”), which should preferably no be cured by a tax reform. A better solution is to abolish those legal rents, instead of taxing them. Secondly, the authors claim that value-added taxes are a regressive tax because they are paid on consumption goods, and therefore they fall disproportionately on the poor who consume most of their income. This is incorrect. In fact, the incidence of VAT is also borne by capital: think of an automatized cigarette factory, in which VAT falls mainly on capital income. Also, there exist different VAT rates in some countries (between 2,1% and 20% in France) and as many tax evasion niches. VAT is therefore a form of taxation paid by the entire population – not only the poor and consumers, but also rentiers and entrepreneurs, contrary to a common belief – and it is at least proportional, maybe even progressive, but certainly not regressive.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
More will be given?
By Hande Z
This is a detailed account of the history of the taxation of income. The authors explain when and how taxation of income tax began. They then
explore the reasons for taxing the rich. They also analyse another form of taxation – the controversial inheritance tax.
The authors also explain the different justification for taxation, namely, on the basis of equality; the ability to pay; and the compensatory basis. Everyone has his own views about taxation, but an understanding of the history, nature of taxation and the grounds for taxation is essential to have any rational criticism of the taxation one has to meet.
The focus of the book is on the taxation of the rich. This is indeed the main interest of the book. Should the rich be taxed more? This book provides gloriously illuminating material and arguments to this very important question. The ancillary question is, whether it is still relevant today to tax the rich today.
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